For all my opposition to this regime, I have to admit that, on the face of it, both the EU FTA and the new UGC rules on equity and equality are exactly the kind of measures I would normally expect from a far more progressive, people-friendly government.
I should be clear that I have not read either in depth. This assessment is based on a quick skim of headlines, summaries, news reports, and the commentary of people who understand these domains far better than I do (or can reasonably hope to). It is entirely possible that a closer reading will reveal serious problems (as I am sure each of these will have, like all international agreements and domestic legislation).
To repeat, I am certain there are flaws. Things that could have been drafted better. Provisions that, on closer inspection, may reveal hidden agendas, or carve-outs that benefit constituencies sympathetic to the ruling party and its Hindutva project. I may also be missing something important in this first-pass assessment. There could be implementation challenges. Infrastructure gaps. Lip-service masquerading as intent. There could even be partial or full roll-backs in the future. This is not a detailed analysis. It is simply a quick response to what appear to be two rather bold (and forward-looking) moves by a government that otherwise seems far more comfortable keeping the public distracted with temple inaugurations and the fashion choices of opposition leaders.
That said, as far as I can see and understand, both developments are, by and large, pro-Indian people, and also pro-poor, pro-farmer, pro-labour, even pro-entrepreneurs (especially the small ones, or whatever remains of them in the current environment), and pro-oppressed classes. They read as progressive, forward-looking, forceful, and deliberate political actions that are doing two very different things at once.
At one end, the EU FTA appears to leverage India’s global standing (built slowly and painstakingly over generations), its vast and varied market, and a shifting world order (a more recent phenomenon, but an unmistakable one), in a manner that suggests real diplomatic finesse and foresight. At the other, the UGC rules seem (once again, prima facie) to reflect a genuine concern for the downtrodden, generationally deprived, and historically oppressed sections of the Republic, in an area as fundamental as education.
What is particularly notable is that both are likely to (and already are, as per news reports) provoke resistance from sections of the BJP’s own support base. The backlash to the UGC reforms is already visible. Upper-caste supporters are flirting with open rebellion, and voters who were only recently ready to crown Modi as the King-Emperor of Hindustan are now openly abusing him and his government. It is, frankly, surreal.
I cannot think of two more different policy moves that nevertheless converge on the same conclusion: these are, at least in intent, distinctly pro-India outcomes. Frankly, these are the sort of measures I would have expected from a Congress government. And am rather pleasantly surprised that they have come from this one.
So, credit where it is due.
